Tuesday, September 6, 2011
The way US viewed Khaleda, her close ones
Loyalty, closeness and family relations meant more to Khaleda Zia than titles or institutional positions in influencing the decision makings process during her second term in power, according to a cable leaked by WikiLeaks.
Seventeen individuals were identified as having the highest influence and control on Khaleda, also the chairperson of BNP, which is now the main opposition. Many of these insiders had close relationship with Tarique Rahman.
“For Zia, loyalty is a two-way street,” said a cable sent by the US embassy in Dhaka to Washington on May 11, 2005. The cable was disclosed by WikiLeaks on August 30 this year.
The cable divided the 17 individuals in three catagories inner, middle and outer circles.
It said it was good news that the US government has productive relationships with 12 of the 17 insiders and is trying to strengthen the relationships with Mosaddek Ali Falu, Syed Iskander, Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain, Mir Nasiruddin and Matiur Rahman Nizami. All of them, except for perhaps Jamaat-e-Islami leader Nizami, could be described as fundamentally hostile to the US. Very few of the 17 have the ability or interest to pressure Zia's basic outlook on politics or governance.
WHAT THE CABLE SAID
Tarique Rahman: Son of Khaleda Zia. He reportedly sold up to one-third of the 60 cabinet slots in the 2001 elections. Critics say he is ruthless, exceptionally corrupt, inexperienced in politics or business, poorly educated and unworldly. But admirers consider him as dynamic, smart and a new generation of the forward looking leaders. His then title of BNP's senior joint secretary masks, inefficiently, his unrivalled authority, save for his mother, in the party. He operates a "shadow government" from his "Hawa Bhaban" think tank, particularly on clearing government appointments and contracts.
Haris Chowdhury: Khaleda's political secretary. He was termed as rough demeanour who was reputed for his violent actions against the opposition account for his thuggish reputation.
Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury: Khaleda's adviser for parliamentary and energy adviser is an all-purpose player and accused of committing war crimes in 1971, rapist, arms smuggler and killer. His influence is reflected by is ability to survive his defeat in the election for the post of OIC secretary general, his vulgar attack on Sheikh Hasina afterwards and speculation on his involvement with the Chittagong arms haul shipment.
Syed Iskander: Khaleda Zia's brother exerts great influence on military procurement contracts and on senior military appointments. He has good links with the military and tied by business to Tarique Rahman.
Lutfozzaman Babar: Known as smuggler, ally of Tarique Rahman, and a pro-Jamaat leader, the former state minister for home grew influential as his ministry became more active in the run-up to the 2008 general elections.
Kamaluddin Siddiqui: Influence of Kamaluddin stemmed from his role as Khaleda's gatekeeper and bureaucratic ability to get things done. The principal secretary to the then prime minister viewed Tarique as uncouth and dangerous.
Saifur Rahman: The former finance minister had influence on economic, development and some political issues. He was respected for his competence and experience. But he seemed to do nothing to control his son, a BNP lawmaker who was the most corrupt after Tarique.
Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain: The former health minister was loyal to Khaleda, but corrupt and involved with coal mining deals with the Chinese. In 2002, he held up a USAID-financed condoms shipment for months looking for a payoff.
Reaz Rahman: Under the middle circle group, Khaleda Zia's foreign policy adviser was at the top. An old-time BNP stalwart, he was close to Tarique and Babar and was articulate and direct.
Mosaddek Ali Falu: The PM's former private secretary was her intimate companion. He won in the controversial "festival of fraud" Dhaka-10 by-election in July 2004.
Brig Mohammed Haider: The former director general of National Security Intelligence (NSI) became a key player in Tarique's orbit soon after his appointment in January. He was deputed to deal with important ambassadors, for example, the "Tuesday Group's" proposed conference in November.
Mir Nasiruddin: The then state minister for civil aviation enjoyed Khaleda Zia's favour partly because as a former ambassador to Saudi Arabia he drew on his contacts to ensure Khaleda Zia is well treated when she goes to Mecca. Kamal Siddiqui said Nasiruddin was holding up the sale to Bangladesh of Boeing 777 jets because he wanted bribes.
Matiur Rahman Nizami: The former industries minister had access and stature as BNP's key coalition partner, but he did not exert major influence on policy. One of his sons in Manchester reportedly channelled local contributions via the NGO Muslim Aid to Bangladeshi madrasas.
Moudud Ahmed: The former law minister was the first in the outer circle. The politically opportunistic lawyer was counted on to promote the government line from defending extrajudicial killings.
Mannan Bhuiyan: The former minister and BNP secretary general was marginalised by Tarique's ascendancy and viewed with suspicion by the Prime Minister's Office since BNP dissident MPs mooted his name as a leader alternative to Khaleda.
Morshed Khan: The then foreign minister owes his position largely to his business wealth and generosity to BNP coffers.
Lt Gen Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury: The former chief of army staff had no sign of political ambition or independence. Awami League claims he is pro-Islamist but he comes across as just unobtrusively pious.
